| Friday, October 1, 2010.  Chaos and violence continue, the political  stalemate continues even though Nouri gets picked, stories of treatment and  benefit battles are heard by Congress, the FBI raids of last week continue to  get coverage, Iraq's LGBT community remains targeted, and more.   Starting with the political stalemate in Iraq where there is news.  First  up, Leila Fadel (Washington Post) reports   that today Iraq became the country that went "the longest between holding  parliamentary elections and forming a govnerment, experts say.  The Netherlands  had held the unfortunate honor after a series of failed attempts left the  country without an elecected government for 207 days in 1977, according to  Christopher J. Anderson, director, of the Institute for European Studies at  Cornell University."  208 days.  March 7th, Iraq concluded Parliamentary elections. The Guardian's editorial board noted last  month , "These elections were hailed prematurely by Mr Obama as a  success, but everything that has happened since has surely doused that optimism  in a cold shower of reality." 163 seats are needed to form the executive  government (prime minister and council of ministers). When no single slate wins  163 seats (or possibly higher -- 163 is the number today but the Parliament  added seats this election and, in four more years, they may add more which could  increase the number of seats needed to form the executive government),  power-sharing coalitions must be formed with other slates, parties and/or  individual candidates. (Eight Parliament seats were awarded, for example, to  minority candidates who represent various religious minorities in Iraq.) Ayad  Allawi is the head of Iraqiya which won 91 seats in the Parliament making it the  biggest seat holder. Second place went to State Of Law which Nouri al-Maliki,  the current prime minister, heads. They won 89 seats. Nouri made a big show of  lodging complaints and issuing allegations to distract and delay the  certification of the initial results while he formed a power-sharing coalition  with third place winner Iraqi National Alliance -- this coalition still does not  give them 163 seats. They are claiming they have the right to form the  government. In 2005, Iraq  took four months and seven days to pick a prime minister . It's six  months and twenty-four days with no government formed.  Roula Khalaf and Andrew England (Financial Times of London) report that the  US and Iran joining together in their support for the continued reign of Nouri  as prime minister has made -- or kept -- him a contender he otherwise might not  be due to his being hugely unpopular with the people of Iraq. They quote an  unnamed "senior western diplomat" stating, "Some people think Maliki is the only  Shia tough guy around, and it starts from the premise that Iraq needs a strong  man to ensure security. [. . .] the impact of the American push for Maliki is  that it has actually been a solidifying factor for his opponents." A tough guy?  Try thug.  And many Americans received the latest on the stalemate while  listening to the second hour of  The Diane Rehm Show   today as guest host  Katty Kay discussed Iraq with Nadia Bilbassy (MBC TV), Courtney Rube (NBC News)  and David Sanger (New York Times ).   Katty Kay: A very busy week and a very busy morning. We have a lot  of breaking news stories coming in. Nadia Bilbassy, we may have an end to the  political stalemate in Iraq finally. How many months has it been since those  elections?
 Nadia Bilbassy: It's been almost seven months. And I always  remember every time I come on this show, the question was when do you think the  Iraqis are going to form their government and actually they entered a record in  terms of a country without a government after election. So the fact that we have  seen so many political moves in the last few days with Ayad Allawi -- the head  or Iraqiya Party -- going to Damascus, trying to see what he can do.  It seems  finally it's the Shi'ite bloc that called the shot. And Moqtada al-Sadr who has  been very well known here, obviously been anti-American in his stand, it seems  he is the one who gives the final okay for this government for Nouri al-Maliki  was, in the beginning, they objected to him as you will remember, Katty, in the  old days, he led a campaign against the Shi'ites in the south. And specifically  against Moqtada al-Sadr.  So it looks like now that he is going to be the prime  minister and all the Shi'ites' coalition will be behind him.
   Katty Kay: Courtney Kube, one of the concerns as American troops  start to withdraw from Iraq at the end of August was, of course, the fact that  there was real political uncertainty in the country, to what extent does the  news this morning that Nouri al-Maliki is not going to be just a caretaker prime  minister but actually looks like he is going to be the prime minister as a  political solution, to what extent does that mean the security situation    Well US militaries in Iraq is going to improve?   Courtney Kube: Well US military officials in Iraq and back here in  the United States have been increasingly concerned about a growing power vacuum  that exists in Baghdad ever since the elections.  We've seen an increase in  violence despite the fact that US combat operations  officially ended a month  ago today actually. So I think that people can breate a -- a somewhat of a sigh  of relief here but there's still more steps that need to be taken before we know  that there's going to be a solid government established in Iraq.  The next step  will be: Will the Kurdish leaders throw their support behind al-Maliki?  There  hasn't been any indication yet but this is still all breaking this morning. So  hopefully this will indicate the end of this power vacuum, security can begin to  stabilize again, civilian leaders can start to build up the institutions, the  infrastructure in Iraq and they continue to draw down the troops next  year.    Sam Dagher and Munaf Ammar (Wall  St. Journal) report, "After a private meeting on Friday between  officials from Mr. Maliki's and Mr. Sadr's party, the Sadrists, who had been  vociferously opposed to a new term for Mr. Maliki, declared an about-face and  said they would support him as their candidate to head a new government."  So  what comes next?  If it holds, Leila Fadel (Washington Post) explains ,  "Maliki will now need a simple majority in the 325-member parliament to back his  chosen cabinet. The Kurdish alliance that has largely been watching from the  sidelines will now come into play. If the group, with about 57 seats, backs  Maliki, he will have the majority in Iraq's parliament needed to approve his  government. The group has made a series of demands that they want their  potential partners to agree to." The news is not the end of statlemate or the  formation of the government.  That may or may not be coming next and it may or  may not move quickly.  Many previously announced 'done-deals' have quickly  fallen apart allowing the stalemate to continue.  Steven Lee Myers (New York Times) hails   it as "a decisive step" but he does not rush to call it "a done deal." Myers  rightly uses qualifiers such as "if" to describe what may or may not happen  next. Richard Spencer (Telegraph of London)  offers , "Attention will now turn to Ayad Allawi, leader of Iraqiya, the  grouping which won the most seats in the election. He has said he will not serve  under Mr Maliki. Forcing Iraqiya into opposition would risk worsening the  sectarian splits in the country."  AFP quotes  Iraqi voter Haidar Ibrahim stating, "I sometimes  regret voting. From the very beginning (after the elections), there were always  disputes among the political blocs -- the calls for recounts, the delays to the  results. How could I have hope after all these things happened?" What a proud  moment for the US government. They've meddled and interfered and done everything  to keep puppet Nouri in place -- every undemocratic thing you can think of  including fighting the efforts to have the United Nations appoint a caretaker  government months ago since Nouri's term long ago expired -- and it has had an  effect: It's convincing Iraqis that voting just isn't worth it.    Stephen Farrell has a must read article and, like too many New York  Times  articles on Iraq, it won't appear in the paper but it is up at the  paper's blog At War .  Choosing a section of it is difficult and doing  it a diservice.  If there are awards for newspapers' blog reporting, Farrell's  earned such an award with "In Iraq, New Leadership but Same Reality :"   The American surge is long gone; many Sunni insurgents co-opted  into the Awakening movement feel marginalized by the Shiite-led government.  Furthermore, Sunni Arab voters are unhappy that the moderate cross-sectarian  coalition for which many of them voted won more parliamentary seats than any  other in the March elections, yet the Shiite incumbent Prime Minister Nuri Kamal  al-Maliki refused to cede real power, and looks increasingly likely to cling to  office.    Shiites are just as nervous. Around Sadr City there are mutterings  that militia bogeymen, real or imagined, have returned. Other Shiite militia  leaders are being released from prison, amid political deal-making. A Shiite  friend grumbled to me that, Corleone-style, he had to visit the home of one  newly-freed Sadrist leader, to pay his respects.              My friend is leaving Iraq, fearing for his chances of survival in a  mixed Sunni-Shiite neighborhood if there is more sectarian  blood-letting.                 It is not an isolated decision. Many of The Times's Iraqi staff  members in the Baghdad bureau have already left for the United States on an  asylum program, or have applied to go. One journalist friend who chose to stay  is now reconsidering the decision. Another got out of journalism because her  life was threatened.                      
 Reporters Without Borders  deplores a targeted attack on Alaa Mohsen, the host of the  programme "Liqa Sakhen" on state-run Al-Iraqiya television, who was badly  injured by a bomb placed underneath his car as he was about to leave his home in  the Baghdad suburb of Saydiya on the morning of 27 September to go to work.  Rushed to the Yarmouk district hospital, he was reported to be in a critical  condition yesterday.                                           It was the third targeted  attack on a TV presenter since the United States announced the withdrawal of its  last combat troops on 31 August (http://en.rsf.org/irak-second-targeted-killing-of-a-tv-08-09-2010,38320.html).  Safaa Al-Dine Abdul Hameed of Al-Mosuliyah was shot dead  in Mosul, in the northern province of Ninawa, on 8 September while Riad  Al-Saray, another Al-Iraqiya presenter, was gunned down in  Baghdad on 7 September.              The current climate of terror  and impunity has also seen an increase in violence against journalists by  members of the Iraqi security forces.                       MCEVERS: Haidar says not only are reporters being thrown out onto  the streets, but it's getting harder and harder for them - well, us - to do our  jobs. The government office that oversees the press here is the Communication  and Media Commission. It was set up by the U.S., just after the 2003 invasion.  The commission recently announced that all news organizations, both Iraqi and  foreign, should register, pay hefty licensing fees and sign a pledge that we  won't ignite sectarian tensions or encourage terrorism. Human rights groups say  this opens the door for people in power to punish their enemies. We put that  claim to Ahmed al Abyad, who advises the commission.  You signed this thing that  says we will not ignite sectarian tensions. But it's like, well, who is to judge  that?    Mr. AHMED AL ABYAD: (Through translator) It's true what you are  saying, and like, who puts these regulations? And again, who is responsible for  applying those regulations? That's the biggest question.    MCEVERS: For now, that who is the nine-member commission, which is  appointed directly by the prime minister and not answerable to parliament. The  idea is that in exchange for our money and our pledges to abide by the rules,  the commission will provide two things that are very important to journalists in  Iraq: access and protection. But so far, the commission hasn't held up its end  of the deal. In fact, officials use protection as a way to deny access. These  days, when a terrorist attack is reported or a military offensive is underway,  journalists are kept far from the scene. Here's Ziad al Ajili, who heads a press  freedom group here.    Mr. ZIAD AL AJILI (Leader of Press Freedom Group): (Through  translator) When we go to those military commanders, they say, no. We don't want  to give you access, because we fear for your safety. And, I mean, I want to do  the report, even if I die, even if I pay my life for it. It's my life, and I'm  free to do anything with it.       Among the many human rights tragedies of Iraq is the blind eye that Nouri,  et al and the US government have turned to the assault on Iraq's LGBT community.  Michael T. Luongo (Gay City News) is in Iraq and reporting on the  LGBT community : An  organization that mostly serves women, many widowed, who have suffered  horrifically since the US invasion, OWFI has an open door policy to anyone  needing assistance. With my limited knowledge of Arabic, I noticed that the  staff used the polite term "mithlee" for homosexual, rather than more offensive  labels common among Iraqis.    I met with men on the Sadr City death  lists, the postings placed throughout this part of Baghdad by Muqtada Al-Sadr's  Mahdi Army. Mohammed was on the list for many reasons, not just his sexuality;  the calculus that determines death sentences in Baghdad is jumbled and  terrifyingly far-reaching.    My interviews at the women's center were  difficult not only because many men were reluctant to fully explain why they  faced persecution, but also because of the OWFI's office layout. There was no  privacy as people watched interviews; little children sometimes played in the  room, climbing into my lap as I tried to make sense of a cacophony of languages  -- English, Arabic, and Kurdish.  A loud air-cooler made hearing  difficult, but the power repeatedly blacked out, easing the burden until the  Badhdad heat became overwhelming. Still, the welcoming staff made the OWFI one  of my favorite places in Baghdad.  Mohammed told me he loves Americans,  showing me a cell phone picture of himself with American soldiers. It's part of  what sparked having his name put on the death list. As I tried to dig deeper, he  paused, sighed, and told me, "because I drank and stayed out late" and because  of his tight Western clothes that showed off the body he built up at a gym  eventually shut by the militias as un-Islamic.  Members of the Mahdi  Army "phoned me and threatened me," he said, his words translated by others in  the room. Though he never told me why, the militia killed his brother, and his  panicked family sent him into hiding. Mohammed told me the name of his brother's  killer, someone the women's group is familiar with. On another visit, I watched  a video of the killer.   I came to learn that in Baghdad people know the  murderers in their midst, but can do nothing to stop them. Because of the  numerous grounds on which murder victims are singled out, it is quite possible  that the number of gay killings has been undercounted, with families saying  other motivations were at play.      Turning to some of today's reported violence . . .    Bombings?   Sahar Issa (McClatchy Newspapers) reports a  Baghdad roadside bombing attacking Sahwa which claimed the life of 1 and left  nine people emerge (two of which were Sahwa), a Mosul roadside bombing which  claimed the life of 1 Iraqi soldier,  and, dropping back to Thursday for all  that follows, a Baghdad roadside bombing  wounded one of Brig Gen Mohammed's  body guards, a Baghdad sticky bombing which wounded one person, four bombings in  Baghdad apparently to distract from a bank robbery -- unsuccessfully leading to  a shoot-out in which 2 police officers were killed and three indiviuals were  wounded, a Babil mortar attack which left one man and two women wounded. .     Shootings?     Today  Chuck Raasch (Gannett News  Services) notes , "Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Adm. Mike Mullen  said he expects suicide and other post-combat problems to intensify as soldiers  return to home and family. And as part of the push to cut federal deficits, the  Pentagon almost certainly will face this new front with smaller budgets." Raasch  quotes Mullen's stating he's "hoping to avoid any massive cuts." Is he worried  about the service members health? (National security comments right after may  cast some doubt on that.) Yesterday  the House  Veterans Affairs Committee held a hearing entitled "The True Costs of the War."  Committee Chair Bob Filner noted the efforts to attack veterans benefits. From  Filner's opening remarks:  Every Congressional appropriation for war,  in my view, should include money for what, I'm going to call it, a veterans'  trust fund that will ensure the projected needs of our wounded and injured  soldiers are fully met at the time that their going to war is appropriated. It's  not a radical idea. Business owners are required to account for their deferred  liability every year. Our federal government has no such requirement when it  comes to the deferred liability of meeting the needs of our men and women in  uniform even though meeting those needs is a moral obligation of our nation and  a fundamental cost. It does not make sense fiscally, it does not make sense  ethically. If in years past, Congress had taken into account this deferred  fiscal liability and moral obligation of meeting the needs of soldiers, we would  not have the kind of overburdened delivery system that we have today in the  Veterans Administration. And would veterans and their advocates on Capitol Hill  have to fight as hard as they do every year for benefits that should be readily  available as a matter of course? Would they have to worry as much as they do  today that these benefits will become targets in the debate over reducing the  federal budget? Listen to this statement by one of the co-chairs of the National  Commission on Fiscal Responsibility -- that's trying to figure out how we  balance our budget -- former Senator [Alan] Simpson said, "The irony is that  veterans who saved their country are now in a way not helping us to save this  country in this fiscal mess." That is, they should defer their health and  welfare needs because of a budget problem. 
 Chair Filner and US House Rep Walter Jones both spoke of the need to create  a Veterans Trust Fund to ensure that veterans benefits are not under attack  under the current system where they are funded according to how much money is in  the budget (as opposed to wars which are funded by passing the bill on to future  generations). Among those testifying before the committee was economist Joseph  E. Stigliz who stated, "And the reality then is that under the pay-go current  framework that supporting these obligations that we've undertaken to our  veterans has to compete with every other expenditure. And -- and there will be  pressure. And the reference to the Debt Commission, the reference to former  Congressman Simpson's testimony is evidence of that kind of pressure that will  be put on veterans expenditures."   We covered the first panel in yesterday's snapshot and we'll note panel two  and panel three today.  Panel two was composed of retired officers, Maj Gen John  Batiste, Maj Gen William Nash and Col James McDonough.  Panel three was composed  of Paul Sullivan (Veterans for Common Sense ), Lorrie Knight-Major (mother of  Iraq War veterans Sgt Ryan Christian Major who was critically injured by a  Ramadi bombing), Iraq War veteran Corey Gibson and Ret Lt Col Donna R. Van  Derveer, Iraq War veteran..  From the second panel, we'll note this exchange. Maj Gen John Batiste had  spoken of a huge gulf "between resources and the needs of veterans" and "a void  between the VA Central Office, the range of VA medical centers and regional  state offices and local veteran service organization.  Federal and state  governments are not aligned to serve veterans and their families."    Chair Bob Filner: I was hoping -- You  said some kind words about  our great [VA] Secretary [Eric] Shinseki, I thought that he would, from  experience be able to impose some stuff on the bureaucracy.  It looks like it's  working the other way.from my observations.  Because, in the army, when he says  something, it gets carried out. In a bureaucracy [shrugs] who knows?  And  besides the people that have to tell you that it's being carried out?   [Shrugs.]  I don't -- I'll just give you one example of how I had asked General  Shinseki in his first meeting, his first appearance here in front of this  committee, I asked him about suicide coordinators because we had, you know, that  were supposed to be -- 'I've been told that there's a suicide coordinator at  every hospital.'  And I said, 'You know, I'm only a private and you're a general  but let me tell you that you have to look beneath what you just heard or what  you've been told.  The janitor who has a 10% suicide coordinator thing now by  his name is probably in some hospital or a half-time person here or someone  untrained there.  And you got to go beyond, you know?'  If that was an army, his  army staff telling him, he could rely on it. But I don't think he could rely on  it with -- with the bureucracy here.  So how do you get through that to get to  some of the stuff you're talking about?   Maj Gen William Nash:  Well I know that General Batiste will have  some comments on this as well but I would just start out the response is that  two years is a very short time when you're trying to overcome years and years of  less than brilliant management. And the key to it in my view is not unlike the  approach the services have taken and the emphasis on professional development of  your workforce in parallel with your day to day working.  You know we send off  army officers to school all the time.  Okay?  We take them out of the operating  force -- more and more difficult when you're fighting the wars that we've been  fighting for the last nine years, there's been a modifcation of that -- but for  years, even in WWII, we took people out of the force for purposes of education  and, during times of peace, we did it even more so. So if you don't set up a  system to develop your work force, you're never going to get better, you're  going to keep fighting the same battles day in and day out. And, as  administrations change, all too many people turn over. And so the professional  force has got to be developed in such a manner that it provides the continuity.   So when the Secretary of Veterans Affairs gives an order, there's a reasonable  expectation it will be carried out uniformly throughout the force.       Moving to the third panel, Paul Sullivan noted his organization's support  for a Veterans Benefits  Trust Fund.  He also noted that, via Freedom Of  Information requests, Veterans For Common Sense had come up with a number of  figures such as aprproximately 2.2 million US service members have served in the  Iraq and Afghanistan Wars thus far and that VA has "treated approximately  565,000 Iraq and Afghanistan war veteran patients at VA medical facilities. The  one thing that is surprising is that the numbers keep rising at the same rate  even though there are comments that the wars are de-escalating and troops are  coming back."  The number of disability claims filed by Iraq and Afghanistan War  veterans is 515,000 so far. He also stated, "There are 100 new first-time  veteran patients treated at VA for each battlefield death reported by the  military. A second bullet point, there is one new VA patient every five minutes  from these two wars."   Lorrie Knight-Major spoke of her son's wounds and his medical treatment.   Stop-loss is referred to as "the backdoor draft."  And how it has been carried  out is that a service member is informed that he or she is being stop-lossed  and, as a result, his/her discharge date has changed and been pushed back.   Knight-Major's son Ryan was critically wounded in the Ramadi bombing and that  bombing took place "five days after his original discharge date".  Stop-loss  wounds, stop-loss kills.  It's not just a benign policy that Donald Rumsfeld  thought up and Robert Gates has continued to implement.  Knight-Major spoke of  the hardships on the wounded and on the families of the wounded.  There were few  VA resources that were available to the families.  Non-profits were the ones  that allowed her son to, for example, have an IBOT  (a  specialized wheelchair furnished by the Independence  Fund ) and a dog Theodore (via Paws 4 Liberty ), "Theodore is a three-year-old  Belgian Shepherd and has truly made the biggest impact on Ryan's independence.   Theodore helps Ryan with retrieving dropped items, helps him navigate crowded  areas and helps him relieve and mitigate his PTSD symptoms."  These resources  and others that that would help are resources that families and veterans have to  find on their own, Knight-Major explained, noting how she was to learn of Rebuilding  Together  via "word of mouth."  (Rebuilding Together was able to renovate the  home, adding an elevator, accessible bathroom,etc.)  Lorrie Knight-Major: If the nonprofit organizations had not  provided assistance, would it have been acceptable to the government for my son  to have been placed in a nursing home?  Would it have been acceptable to the  government for my son to have lived isolated in a basement because he didn't  have a means to be transported to the main areas of the house?  Would it have  been acceptable for my son to require sleep medications or someone in his room  nightly forhim to sleep?  Is this what the government considers to be the true  costs of the war?     Iraq War veteran Corey Glass detailed the problems with receiving care  including, "Mental health services are paramout for our returning combatants.   My interview upon returning from Iraq to decipher whether I needed mental health  services or not was to be marched into a gym, separated from my family by a  piece of glass, and asked if I wanted to see my family or do I feel I need to  talk to someone about my feelings at this time."       Scott Horton:  You were one of the peacenik victims of this FBI persecution  last week.  Is that right?   Jess Sundin: Yes, I was. My home was raided by seven or more federal agents  on Friday morning at 7:00 a.m.    Scott Horton: Wow. And was that because you're involved with al Qaeda or  Hezbollah?   Jess Sundin: Neither one. Absolutley not. I'm a peace activist and I  believe the government doesn't like my ideas and is trying to keep us from  speaking out and saying what we believe in. They're not going to find any  evidence in any of the things they seized from my house or any of the others  that anyone ever gave anything to any terrorist organization. It's not something  that anyone in the peace movement does.  Nothing that I've ever done.      Heidi writes at length about those protests including:    More than 15,000 journalists, bloggers and members of the  independent media attended the RNC. According to the Report of the Republican  National Convention Public Safey Planning and Implementation Review Commission  (After Report), ". .. the lack of clarity as to how law enforcement would treat  journalists at the RNC, and the lack of a clear policy toward the media,  resulted in disparate expectations and treatment, confusion and some resentment  by journalists twoard the SPPD."   The RNC Welcoming Committee and independent media became specific  targets of local and federal law enforcement during the 2008 RNC. On the Wednesday before the RNC, August 27, New York journalists  Vladimir Teichberg and Olivia Katz from the Glass Bead Collective were arrested  at around 1:30am by Minneapolis police. They had just picked up another  collective member and were walking home when they were stopped. The officers  detained them for at least 30 minutes and held their possessions, including a  laptop computer, cell phones and video cameras, for 14 hours. The property was  released and a decision was made to not file formal charges only after the  internvention of [National Lawyers] Guild attorneys and public press conferences  condemning the police actions. Bruce Nestor noted that: "The detaining of journalists ties into a  pattern and a history here of the Minneapolis police harassing people who are  documenting police misconduct. They were seizing video cameras, taking cell  phone videos, destroying memory chips, and otherwise interfering with the right  of citizens to document police misconduct." On Saturday, August 30, police executed a search warrant at 951 and  949 Iglehart Avenune in Saint Paul where members of the independent media group  I-Witness Video were staying. Police detained the St. Paul homeowner, Michael  Whalen, and others present for two hours while they obtained a warrant to search  for weapons, computers, hazardous materials, cell phones and firearms. No  arrests were made and no items were seized. The search warrant was based on the  claim of an undercover informant that 27 boxes of "weapons" had been delivered  to the home. The boxes turned out to contain literature promoting veganism, for  distribution during the RNC.        The PATRIOT Act was passed on October 26, 2001. Since that passage,  the level of law enforcement intimidation and outright repression increased  quite dramatically. From little things like protesters being forced to protest  in so-called free speech zones or face arrest to the recent approval of the  assassination of US citizens by federal death squads, there has been a clear  progression away from any concern for protecting civil liberties. Indeed, the  concern for civil liberties is usually dismissed by politicians, judges, and  other people in power almost as if they were some worthless costume jewelry from  your grandmother's jewelry box. As mentioned earlier, this harassment and  repression is not new to US history. In addition to multiple murders of Black  liberation activists, illegal surveillance, false imprisonment and other forms  of harassment, the use of grand juries was essential to the repression of the  antiwar and antiracist movements of the 1960s and 1970s. As the NLG document  points out, "from 1970-1973, over 100 grand juries in 84 cities subpoenaed over  1,000 activists." However, nowadays there seems to be less resistance to it.  Some of this can be attributed to the lack of press coverage, which is quite  possible intentional. Much of the lack of concern, however, can be attributed to  the state of fear so many US residents live in. This is a testimony to the power  of the mainstream media and its willingness to serve as the government's  propaganda wing.          To those who argue that the media doesn't always support the  government and then cite Fox News' distaste for Obama or a liberal newspaper's  distaste for certain policies enacted under George Bush, let me point something  out. Like the two mainstream political parties (and the occasional right wing  third party movement like the Tea Party), even when different media outlets seem  to be opposing each other, the reality is that neither opposes the underlying  assumptions demanded by the State. In fact, the only argument seems to be how  better to effect the underlying plan of the American empire. The plan itself (or  the rightness of the plan) is never seriously questioned.   TV notes. On PBS' Washington Week, Gloria Borger (CNN), Susan Davis  (National Journal), Christi Parsons (Chicago Tribune) and Jeff Zeleny (New York  Times) join Gwen around the table. Gwen now has a weekly column at Washington  Week and the current one is "Telling Our  Stories." This week,  Bonnie Erbe will sit down with Eleanor Holmes Norton, Melinda  Henneberger, Tara Setmayer and Kristen Soltis on the latest broadcast of PBS'  To The Contrary to  discuss the week's events. And this week's To The Contrary online extra is on  whether or not female politicians should call out sexism used to attack  them. Need To Know is PBS' new program covering current  events. This week's hour long broadcast airs Fridays on most PBS stationsthe  Penatgon Papers (Daniel Ellsberg is a guest on the broadcast) and Joe Pantoliano  discussesmental illness. Turning to  broadcast TV, Sunday CBS' 60 Minutes  offers: Unfinished BusinessLesley Stahl goes to Iraq to  report on the many possible sources of conflict that could erupt there once the  U.S. military completely withdraws from the country by the end of next year. |  Watch Video
 
 The Go-To GuyHe was in charge of the 9/11  victim's compensation fund, and adjudicated claims of Virginia Tech Massacre  victims and those of Agent Orange. Now Kenneth Feinberg is tasked with sorting  out the thousands of claims stemming from the BP oil spill. Morley Safer  reports. | Watch Video
 
 Giving Away A FortuneScott Pelley catches up  with the world's most generous philanthropists, Bill and Melinda Gates, and  travels to some of the world's trouble spots their billions are helping. | Watch Video
 
 60 Minutes, Sunday, Oct. 3, at 7 p.m. ET/PT.       We'll close with this from David Swanson's "The Book the Pentagon Burned " (War Is A Crime -- and that link  works, the link I did this morning did not work, my  apologies):The Pentagon spent $50,000 of our money to buy up  the first edition of "Operation Dark Heart" by Lt. Col. Anthony Shaffer and  destroy every copy. The second printing has lots of words blacked out. Wikileaks  claims to have a first edition, but hasn't shared it. However, reading the  bleeped-through version reveals plenty. Shaffer and others in the  military-spying complex knew about U.S. al Qaeda cells and leaders before 9-11  and were prevented from pursuing the matter. Shaffer believes they could have  prevented 9-11. He so informed the 9-11 Commission, which ignored him. The  Defense Intelligence Agency retaliated against Shaffer for having spoken up. We  knew this, but the book adds context and details, and names names.
 The bulk  of the book is an account of Shaffer's time in Afghanistan in 2003, and the  title comes from the name of another aborted mission that Shaffer believes could  have and should have captured or killed al Qaeda leaders at that time in  Pakistan. Shaffer blames the CIA for screwing up any number of missions, for  working with Pakistan which worked with the Taliban and al Qaeda, for  counter-productive drone attacks, and for torturing prisoners. He also describes  the insanity of General Stanley McChrystal's scheme of sending armed soldiers  door-to-door to win hearts and minds and flush out "bad guys."
 Shaffer  doesn't say whether people he helped capture were tortured, but proudly recounts  helping murder people and interrogating people without using torture. He does,  however, detail the interrogation he did of a man whom he repeatedly threatened  with shipment to Guantanamo. Bleeped out throughout the interrogation are  repeated references to what is almost certainly the man's identity as an  American.
 
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