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Friday,
 December 7, 2012.  Chaos and violence continue, a day after bad 
reporting finds AP looking even more foolish with their false 'report' 
as tensions continue between Baghdad and Erbil, a Shi'ite leader 
explains how Shi'ites end up siding with the Kurds over Nouri's current 
attack, we look at Syrian refugees in Iraq, and more. 
  
  
  
Yesterday, Al-Shorfa reports ,
 Nouri al-Maliki's Baghdad government announced that 7 previously armed 
groups were joining the political process and they "include the 20th 
Revolution Brigades, Malek al-Ashtar Brigade, Khalid Bin al-Walid 
Brigade, Arab Tribes Sons Brigade, Omar Bin al-Khattab Brigade, Children
 of Iraq Brigade and Saqr Quraish Brigade." This as Al-Bayyna reports a
 member of the Parliament's National Reconciliation Committee issued a 
statement declaring that reconciliation does not mean bringing in former
 Ba'athists. He asserts that de-Ba'athifcation is the law of the land. 
De-Ba'athification is the policy Paul Bremer oversaw in Iraq that forced
 Iraqis out of jobs. That was the military, that   was the government. 
The reason? Belonging to the Ba'ath political party. That's a part that 
Saddam Hussein would eventually head in Iraq. It's also a player 
throughout the Middle East and part of a pan-Arab movement. 
De-Ba'athifcation is seen as a huge mistake. And Nouri agreed to what we
 call de-de-Ba'athifcation. He agreed to that in 2007. But he never 
implemented it and, judging by the remarks today, there is no 
governmental interest in healing that division.Alsumaria reports 
 that Minister of Transportation Hadi al-Amiri declared today that 
15,000 families have suffered as a result of the refusal to implement 
Article   140.  al-Amiri states that this has led some families to be 
denied Iraqi nationalities. As the leader of the Badr Organization, 
al-Amiri is part of the National Alliance (also known as the Ntional 
Iraqi Alliance which is led by Ibrahim al-Jaafari).   What is going on? 
 Why are so many Shi'ite politicians turning on Nouri publicly as he 
goes after the Kurds and the threat of a war with the Kurds looms?   Qassim Khidhir Hamad (Niqash) spoke 
 with the Islamic Supreme Council's Bashir Adel Gli this week.  The 
Islamic Supreme Council is another Shi'ite political party which belongs
 to the National Alliance. 
NIQASH: How do you feel about the current relationship between the Shiite Muslims of Iraq and Iraq's Kurdistan people?    
 
   
 
     
 
   
 
Bashir
 Adel Gli: The relationship between Iraq's Shiite Muslims and the 
Kurdish people is a historic one. It goes back to the time that 
[religious leader] Grand Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim [the grandfather of 
Ammar al-Hakim, current leader of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council] 
issued a fatwa [religious edict] in 1965 that forbade Shiite Muslims to 
fight with the Kurdish.      
 
This decree was copied and distributed all over Iraq and it had a big impact on Shiite Muslim soldiers.    
 
He
 issued that decree after some Sunni Muslim clerics issued a totally 
different fatwa saying that their followers were allowed to kill the 
Kurdish. The [Sunni Muslim-dominated] authorities were trying to find 
some way of justifying their ethnic cleansing and killing of the Kurdish
 people. And what al-Hakim said at the time made them very angry.    
 
As a result, 70 members of al-Hakim's family were arrested and later killed.    
 
Basically
 Shiite Muslim ideology says that Shiites must support the oppressed at 
all times; and that they must not support the dictator, no matter who 
that dictator is.    
 
     
 
     
 
NIQASH: So how do you see the current problem between Erbil and Baghdad: is it a Shiite Muslim-Kurdish problem?    
 
   
 
     
 
   
 
Bashir
 Adel Gli: No, it is the problem between the Dawa Party [headed by Nouri
 al-Maliki] and the government of Iraqi Kurdistan. It is not a problem 
between Shiites and Kurds in general.    
  
  
And that is part of the how and why Nouri is losing ground at present on this issue.  Turning to a Twitter conversation.  Derek Brower  is the editor-at-large of Petroleum Economist  and he just left the KRG.
  
  
  
 
 
 
 
  
 
  
 
  
"I'd be skeptical" of the AP
 report "unless things changed in the few hours since I've returned from
 Kirkuk" Twetted Derek Brower yesterday afternoon.  Apparently we're all
 going to have to learn to be skeptical of AP because their report was wrong. 
  
There has been no agreement.  Tonight, Alsumaria reports 
 that KRG President Massoud Barzani issued a statement stating that the 
only way to end the current crisis is to implement Article 140.  The 
main part of Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution reads: 
  
The
 responsibility placed upon the executive branch of the Iraqi 
Transitional Government stipulated in Aerticle 58 of the Transitional 
Administrative Law shall extend and continue to the executive authority 
elected in accordance with this Constitution, provided that it 
accomplishes completely (normalization and census  
and
 concludes with a referendum in Kirkuk and other disputed territories to
 determine the will of their citizens), by a date not to exceed the 31st
 of December 2007. 
  
That's from Iraq's
 2005 Constitution.  In the spring of 2006, after the Iraqi Parliament 
wanted Ibrahim al-Jafaari as prime minister (it would have been his 
second term) and the White House nixed the choice and insisted that 
Nouri al-Maliki be made prime minister, Nouri took an oath to uphold the
 Constitution.  Article 140 is a part of the Constitution and it is very
 clear in its wording that it must be implemented by December 2007.  Yet
 for Nouri's entire first term he refused to honor the Constitution.  
Kirkuk is oil-rich and it is claimed by Nouri's central government out 
of Baghdad and by the Kurdistan Regional Government with both set of 
players making historical arguments on why they should be the one to lay
 claim to Kirkuk.  The way to settle it, as the Constitution made clear,
 was a census and a referendum.  But Nouri refused to implement Article 
140.  His term came to an end in early 2010.  Iraq held   parliamentary 
elections in March 2010.  Nouri's State of Law came in second to 
Iraqiya.  2010 saw the continuation of a trend that emerged in the 2009 
provincial elections.  Iraqis were not interested in sects.  They were 
interested in a national identity.   
  
Having 
come in second to Ayad Allawi's Iraqiya, Nouri quickely stepped down -- 
and, no, he didn't.  He refused to.  He refused to let Iraqi move 
forward.  From the November 1, 2010  snapshot :
  
March 7th, Iraq concluded Parliamentary elections. The Guardian's editorial board noted in August,
 "These elections were hailed prematurely by Mr Obama as a success, but 
everything that has happened since has surely doused that optimism in a 
cold shower of reality." 163 seats are needed to form the executive 
government (prime minister and council of ministers). When no single 
slate wins 163 seats (or possibly higher -- 163 is the number today but 
the Parliament added seats this election and, in four more years, they 
may add more which could increase the   number of seats needed to form 
the executive government), power-sharing coalitions must be formed with 
other slates, parties and/or individual candidates. (Eight Parliament 
seats were awarded, for example, to minority candidates who represent 
various religious minorities in Iraq.) Ayad Allawi is the head of 
Iraqiya which won 91 seats in the Parliament making it the biggest seat 
holder. Second place went to State Of Law which Nouri al-Maliki, the 
current prime minister, heads. They won 89 seats. Nouri made a big show 
of lodging complaints and issuing allegations to distract and delay the 
certification of the initial results while he formed a power-sharing 
coalition with third place winner Iraqi National Alliance -- this 
coalition still does not give them 163 seats. They are claiming they 
have the right to form the government. In 2005, Iraq took four months and seven days to pick a prime minister. It's seven months and twenty-five days and still counting.  
  
The
 stalemate would continue for over a week more.  Nouri was able to stamp
 his feet and stop the political process because the US government 
refused to side with the Iraqi voters.  Instead of calling for the will 
of the people to be honored, the Barack Obama White House demanded that 
Nouri get a second term.  From  John Barry's "'The Engame' Is A Well Researched, Highly Critical Look at U.S. Policy in Iraq " (Daily Beast ) last September: 
 Washington has little political and no military influence
 over these developments [in Iraq]. As Michael Gordon and Bernard 
Trainor charge in   their ambitious new history of the Iraq war, The Endgame,
 Obama's administration sacrificed political influence by failing in 
2010 to insist that the results of Iraq's first proper election be 
honored: "When the Obama administration acquiesced in the questionable 
judicial opinion that prevented Ayad Allawi's bloc, after it had won the
 most seats in 2010, from the first attempt at forming a new government,
 it undermined the prospects, however slim, for a compromise that might 
have led to a genuinely inclusive and cross-sectarian government."
  
  
When
 your preferred candidate loses the vote, how do you install him to a 
second term?  You ignore the Constitution and create a new 
'understanding.'  So in November 2010, the White House brokered a new 
contract known as the Erbil Agreement.  The contract was signed by the 
leaders of Iraq's various political blocs.  In the contract, Nouri 
agrees to give political party A various concessions if political party A
 will allow him a second term as prime minister.  So Nouri promises 
various things to the various parties.  To the Kurds, he promises, among
 other things, that he will finally implement Article 140. 
  
The
 US government vouches for the contract with the White House pledging 
they will uphold it.  But Nouri pretty much breaks it immediately.  
Iraqiya calls him out and the US press treats it as a misunderstanding 
and swears Nouri's going to honor the contract. But he doesn't.  And 
months turn into a year and he still hasn't and his State of Law is 
insisting the contract is illegal (if Nouri was installed prime minister
 by an illegal contract, grasp this, then Nouri is not prime minister). 
 By the summer of 2011, those calling for Nouri to honor the contract 
include Iraqiya, the Kurds and cleric and movement leader Moqtada 
al-Sadr.   That's when the second political stalemate is evident.  This 
is kicked up to a crisis in December   when, following the departure of 
most US troops, Nouri decides to go after Iraqiya.  For weeks, he'd been
 targeting Sunnis and Iraqiya members (sometimes they are the same 
thing) in various provinces, having them rounded up as terrorists.  But 
now he was demanding that Iraqiya's Tareq al-Hashemi be arrested and 
that Iraqiya's Saleh al-Mutlaq be stripped of his post.  Tareq 
al-Hashemi is Iraq's Vice President.  Saleh al-Mutlaq is Iraq's Deputy 
Prime Minister.  To remove either from their post requires the consent 
of Parliament. 
  
Nouri
 couldn't get the votes.  But he does control the Baghdad judiciary.  
Which is how Iraq ended up the only country in the world with a sitting 
Vice President convicted of terrorism.  Tareq remains the Vice President
 -- despite being found guilty of 'terrorism' and despite being 
sentenced to death multiple times.  That crisis sent off alarms in Iraq 
and out of Iraq as a Sunni dominant region looked askance at Nouri and 
his puppet court in Baghdad.   
  
It
 created a major crisis and Speaker of Parliament Osama al-Nujaifi (a 
member of Iraqiya) and Iraqi President Jalal Talabani (a Kurd) both 
started calling for a National Conference on December 21, 2011.  But 
Nouri refused it.  Iraq was still dealing with that unresolved crisis --
 which the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy to Iraq Martin Kobler 
called a political stalemate when reporting to the United Nations 
Security Council back in his July 19th presentation to the UN Security 
Council (see the July 19th snapshot and the speech is also covered in the July 20th snapshot). 
 But Iraq is the land where Nouri piles crazy on top of crazy so with an
 ongoing stalemate already taking place as a result of a crisis Nouri 
caused, he set out to create another.  After refusing for years to 
implement Article 140 to resolve the dispute of Kirkuk and other 
disputed lands, Nouri, a few months ago, sent a new group of forces 
under his command (Tigris Operation Command) into the disputed areas.  
The Kurds saw this as an attempt by Nouri to 'settle' the dispute in 
Baghdad's favor by having Nouri's forces occupy and control the areas.  
  
                                          The
 tensions increased and increased until last month the Kurds sent the 
Peshmerga into the same areas.  The military standoff continues.  Al Mada reports 
 Islamic Superme Council of Iraq leader Ammar al-Hakim is calling for 
calm.   As the report continues, you'll note something in all the Iraq 
reporting today on this topic, consider it the Iraqi   press saying 
"Suck it, AP," that Nouri al-Maliki has spoken with Speaker of 
Parliament Osama al-Nujaifi about what al-Nujaifi spoke to KRG President
 Massoud Barzani on Tuesday about; however, Nouri's not spoken to 
Barzani.  Translation, there is no deal.  We noted it yesterday , the AP 
 got it wrong when they 'reported' that Nouri said a deal had been 
reached.  That is not what he said.  Sadly, some US outlets have picked 
up on AP 's garbage and have presented as fact.  
Rudaw reports: As
 many Iraqis worry about a possible war between Iraqi troops and Kurdish
 Peshmerga fighters in the disputed northern territories, the country's 
senior Shia clerics have issued religious prohibitions against such a 
conflict. The latest reaction came on Wednesday from the 
Najaf Hawza, the prominent Shia religious institution, which issued a 
fatwa saying that, "Fighting the Kurds is haram (religiously 
prohibited).""Those Iraqi soldiers who die in battle against 
the Kurds are not considered martyrs," the Hawza said in a statement. 
Iraq's Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki ignited tensions by sending in his 
controversial Dijla forces into the northern disputed territories that 
are also claimed by the Kurds. The autonomous Kurdistan 
Regional Government dispatched thousands of its own   Peshmerga forces 
into the territories, setting off a tense stand-off that has endured for
 weeks.
 All Iraq News reports
 
 that this morning Sheikh Abdul Mahdi al-Karbalai, in a prayer sermon, 
declared that the conflict should be resolved by the Constitution.  Juma Abdulla (Al-Bayyna) adds  that Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani has warned that Nouri al-Maliki is playing with fire by his actions.  Last night, Al Mada filed a lengthy report  on the press conference that AP  distorted.  Al Mada 
 notes -- as other Iraqi outlets did yesterday -- that Nouri's remarks 
were that there were two proposals currently -- not that the situation 
had been resolved (as AP falsely reported) and that he declared this at 
the joint-conference he held with United Nations Secretary-General Ban 
Ki-moon (AP also 'forgot' that fact). (For Ban Ki-moon's remarks at the 
news conference see yesterday's snapshot.)  All Iraq News adds  that the Secretary-General spoke with KRG President Massoud Barazni over the phone yesterday.  Al Mada reports  that Ban Ki-moon also met with Osama al-Nujaif and Parliament.  UNAMI provides the   remarks he made to Parliament : 
  
Your Excellency, Osama al-Nujaifi, Speaker of the Council of Representatives, Distinguished Heads of Political Blocs,
 Ladies and gentlemen,
 Thank you for your warm reception. I am honoured to be here.
 
The
 democratic transition over the past decade has advanced thanks to the 
leaders and people of this great country. Iraq has re-emerged as a 
leader on the regional and global stage. And as current Chair of the 
Arab League, you are steering the region at a critical time in its 
history. 
 
Iraq
 is making important progress in strengthening its state institutions. I
 welcome the establishment of the independent Human Rights Commission 
and the Board of Commissioners of the Independent High Electoral 
Commission. Your task now is to guarantee the independence of these 
bodies. 
You face many challenges. I am 
especially concerned about strained relations among Iraq's main 
political leaders. This problem hampers the adoption of necessary 
reforms and constitutionally mandated legislation. It impedes effective 
governance, the delivery of services and the fair distribution of 
resources. 
Above all, I worry that 
increased political polarization could stoke sectarian violence and 
reverse the precious security gains against terrorism in recent years. 
 To
 guard against this, I urge all political leaders to engage in an 
inclusive dialogue to resolve their differences in the spirit of the 
Constitution. 
 Your role is critical. As 
elected representatives of the people, you have immense responsibility 
to promote democracy, safeguard political freedoms and advance social 
progress and well-being. 
There is no 
alternative to national reconciliation and peaceful co-existence for all
 communities in a united, federal Iraq. There is no alternative to 
reaching a mutually agreeable understanding over the issues of 
wealth-sharing and disputed internal boundaries. 
The Iraqi people will have another important chance to choose their representatives during the Governorate Council elections. 
Credible elections will be crucial to consolidating the democratic transition. 
This
 is particularly important for the overdue elections in Kirkuk. I urge 
the communities there to forge consensus on a way forward. 
The
 United Nations remains steadfast in supporting the Government and the 
new Board of the Independent High Electoral Commission to ensure fair 
and credible elections across Iraq. 
Excellencies, This
 is a time of tremendous challenge across the region. There is a real 
threat of a destabilizing spill-over of the violence in Syria. This 
crisis is at the forefront of international concern -- and it is a 
legitimate source of worry for Iraq. 
I 
thank Iraq for its constructive engagement in the search for a solution,
 and for its generosity in hosting numerous Syrian refugees. The United 
Nations will continue working to provide humanitarian assistance. 
On
 the important goal of normalizing relations between Iraq and Kuwait, I 
was encouraged earlier this year by steps taken under the leadership of 
Prime Minister al-Maliki and the Emir of Kuwait. But I am concerned that
 progress could be threatened by the lack of confidence between the two 
countries and lack of progress on outstanding issues. 
It
 will take courage and statesmanship to move beyond a difficult past and
 embark on a new era of cooperation. I have made this clear in my 
meetings with leaders from both countries. Today, I again call on you to
 unite behind this goal so that Iraq – a founding member of the United 
Nations – can regain its rightful place in the community of nations. 
I
 am confident that decisive steps to fulfil this country's outstanding 
international obligations on boundary maintenance, compensation for 
farmers and missing persons and property will enable the Security 
Council to positively consider restoring Iraq's international standing. I
 – along with my Special Representative – will spare no effort to help 
achieve this goal. 
Excellencies, Iraq has 
vast human resources, especially the country's youth. Half of all Iraqis
 are under the age of 18. I hope you will nurture these future leaders. 
Women
 are another powerful force -- but they are still marginalized. Quotas 
have made it possible for women to make up one quarter of the Council's 
representatives, but there is only one female electoral Commissioner and
 one female State Minister. Iraqi women are bright and talented. They 
should be empowered to engage in building the future of this great 
country. 
The United Nations is also working
 with Iraq to protect the environment,  preserve natural resources and 
fight the menace of dust storms. 
I have just come from the Doha Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. 
I
 am committed to advancing progress on climate change and to addressing 
the challenges it poses for Iraq. Dust storms have doubled over the past
 two years and they are expected to double again in the next two. This 
is a serious regional issue which demands a regional response. 
In all these areas, the United Nations will continue to be your partner. 
As
 always, we will listen to your concerns and your ideas. We are here to 
support you as the Iraqi people forge a shared future of lasting 
stability and peace. 
Thank you very much. 
Shukran Jazeelan. 
  
All Iraq News reports
 al-Nujaafi and Iraqi President Jalal Talabani discussed ways to resolve
 the crisis late yesterday evening.  Osama al-Nujaifi issued a statement
 afterwards thanking Talabani for his continued efforts at resolving the
 crisis.   And the outlet notes 
 that MP Susan Saad (with the al-Fadhila Party) issued a call today for 
direct dialogue to end the crisis, noting that it does not serve Iraqi 
interests for the crisis to continue.  In her statement, she uses "we" 
and makes clear she is speaking on behalf of the al-Fahila   Party. None
 of the above is needed if, as AP  wrongly 'reported' yesterday, an agreement between Baghdad and Erbil had been reached. 
 
November 29th (see that day's "Iraq snapshot "  and the November 30th "Iraq snapshot "), the
 UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy to Iraq, Martin Kobler, addressed 
the UN Security Council on the state of Iraq.  We'll wrap up his 
presentation today.
  
Martin Kobler:  
The exploitation of the environment and natural resources has 
far-reaching implications for the future of Iraq, encompassing 
political, security and developmental priorities.  In particular, the 
generation of harmful dust storms in the region continues to increase, 
bringing with them associated health hazards and hampering economic 
activities.   UNAMI and the UNCT continue to work closely together on 
this important issue.  I have attended several meetings to promote 
regional approaches to such transboundary issues and I am actively 
working with the governmnt of Iraq and UNEP to hold a symposium on dust 
storms in southern Iraq in early 2013.  Complimentary efforts by UNAMI 
and the Humanitarian Country Team have ensured a timely and effective 
response to the humanitarian dimension in Iraq of the ongoing conflict 
in Syria, including a range of protection and relief activities.  The 
flow of   refugees has already exceeded projected numbers.  As of 18 
November, there were more than 50,000 Syrian refugees in Iraq.  In 
addition, almost 55,000 Irais have returned from Syria since 18 July 
2012.  We anticipate that the influx will continue thus swelling the 
numbers of those displaced. The UN is working closely with the Iraqi 
Ministry of Displacement and Migration to respond to the situation.  The
 Humanitarian Country Team continues to monitor the situation, and 
coordinates regularly with partners and government authorities to ensure
 preparedness and an efficient and timely response.  It has developed 
contingency plans in-line with the UN's Syria Regional Refugee Response 
Plan, which are continuously updated in response to emerging 
developments.  Efforts are also taking place to ensure that camps are 
fully equipped and prepared for the coming winter and necessary 
equipment distributed to refugees and returnees (like   distribution of 
blankets and kerosene, prefabricated structures instead of tents).  I 
also call on the government of Iraq to reopen al-Qaim crossing point so 
that vulnerable persons in need of protection are able to leave Syria.  
Only 30 percent of the third Refugee Response Plan is covered and many 
refugees continue to pour into Iraq on a daily basis and I, therefore, 
appeal to all member states to step up and cover the remaining 70 
percent of the plan.   
  
  
In the middle of the week, Refugees International released a field report 
 on Syrian Refugees which noted that there are 400,000 know Syrian 
refugees in Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey.  Known?  Many refugees 
will never attempt to register with the United Nations.  Registering 
with the UN provides a document, a paper trail, and refugees often fear 
such a trail -- they fled due to fear and may fear being found by those 
in Syria that they fled, they fled for safety and may fear that a host 
country will force them to leave.  There are many reasons why you will 
never have 100% registration among refugees of any crisis.   On Iraq, 
the report notes:
  
Since the beginning 
of the conflict in Syria, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has 
declared Syrian Kurds to be their brethren and has welcomed them into 
northern Iraq with a tremendous amount of goodwill. The KRG has done a 
laudable job of integrating urban refugees fleeing Syria into the 
national systems, and offers them the same benefits as their own 
nationals. However, the KRG's social services structure is feeling the 
strain of serving this extra population and needs outside support. To 
ensure that assistance is available to both camp and urban Syrian 
refugees in northern Iraq, the international community must support the 
KRG's generosity by designating funding for humanitarian assistance in 
northern Iraq.  
When significant numbers of
 Syrian refugees began arriving in Iraqi Kurdistan early in 2012, they 
were generally well-received by their host communities. About eight 
months ago, the KRG opened Domiz camp in Dohuk Governorate, hoping it 
would help it provide for everyone more efficiently and make the best 
use of limited resources. Unfortunately, some of the camp's structures 
and programs have been slow to develop and many residents lack the 
assistance they need. Similarly, in the urban areas, Syrian refugees' 
needs have outstripped the KRG's ability to address them. While refugees
 have access to the KRG's own social services, those services themselves
 are underdeveloped in some cases and unable to serve additional 
clients.  
[. . .] 
As
 in other countries hosting Syrian refugees, the three governorates of 
Iraqi Kurdistan -- Dohuk, Erbil, and Suleimaniyah -- are feeling the 
strain of hosting their guests. The Domiz camp in Dohuk alone has 15,000
 refugees in residence, and tens of thousands more are living in the 
nearby cities. The KRG has been struggling for the past year to provide 
for everyone. In keeping with the best practices recommended by the 
UNHCR, Syrian refugees outside of the camp have access to the national 
services of the KRG. However, the reality is that once people run out of
 financial means to rent a residence, they are very likely to have to 
move to Domiz in order to have a place to live. Getting services in the 
camp is a challenge in itself, as the space is overcrowded and service 
provision is still developing. In order to promote self-sufficiency, and
 to avoid creating tensions in either an overcrowded camp or an 
overburdened community,   services in both settings must be made 
adequate and sustainable.  
  
  
Refugees
 International's report on Iraq only notes what the Kurdistan Regional 
Government is doing.  Kobler is calling for the al-Qaim crossing point 
to be re-opened.  That's not a KRG issue.  Most refugees coming into the
 KRG from Syria are doing so through the Rabi'aa crossing.  al-Qaim is 
in Anbar Province (which is not in the KRG).    October 21st, Nouri 
closed the al-Qaim crossing point.  In one weekly report after another, 
the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) has repeatedly
 noted that al-Qaim refugees do not have freedom of movement.   
  
"Winter
 is already here and UNHCR and its partners still lack 50 percent of the
 funds needed to get everyone through the next few difficult months," declared Angelina Jolie 
 who, with Brad Pitt, made a $50,000 donation to UNHCR Thursday.  
"Despite all the good work being done so far, it's clear here on the 
ground that all resources are now stretched to the limit.  This is going
 to be a very tough few months.  Winter can be harsh here, even 
dangerous for refugees who may already be weakened by their ordeal.  
Many have been brutalized in unimaginable ways.  They deserve all the 
support we can give them."  Anyone who would like to dnate -- at any 
level -- can visit this UNHCR page . 
 It's a bad economy, no one has to feel guilty or justify how they're 
spending their money.    I won't know if you donated or not and it's 
your business not mine.  But at this time of they year, many people look
 for places to donate and the UNHCR helps refugees around the world.  
  
September 28th,
 the US State Dept, under court order to reconsider their opinion that 
Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) were terrorists, announced that they had 
reviewed the classification and "decided, consistent with the law, to 
revoke the designation."  This decision is important with regards to 
Iraq because approximately 3,400 MEKs were in Iraq, invited in by Saddam
 Hussein.  When the US invaded Iraq in 2003, these people were disarmed 
by the US military and were told this would be in exchange for US 
protection.  As  CNN noted 
 after the State Dept took the MEK off the terrorist list, "since 2004 
the United States has considered the group, which has lived for more 
than 25 years at a refugee camp in   Iraq, 'noncombatants' and 
'protected persons' under the Geneva Conventions." Despite being 
re-classified, however, the MEKs in Iraq remain, at present, unable to 
find asylum in other countries.  Kobler ended his presentation to the 
Security Council last week by noting this group of people. 
  
Martin
 Kobler:  Finally, Mr. President, I wish to emphasize that Camp Liberty,
 also called Camp Hurriayah, was only meant to be an interim facility to
 facilitate the Refugee Status.  Determination and subsequent 
resettlement in third countries.  As this process is now well in 
progress, I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate the 
Secretary-General's appeal to Member States to offer resettlement 
opportunities to former residents of Camp Ashraf.  Without such an 
undertaking, there can be no sustainable solution for the residents.  
Currently, only 100 residents remain in Camp Ashraf, while over 3,100 
residents have been peacefully transferred to Camp Hurriyah near 
Baghdad.  The government of Iraq insists to close Camp Ashraf in the 
next days.  It requested the last 100 residents be relocated to Camp 
Hurriyah.  For obvious reasons, UNAMI cannot be directly involved in 
negotiations on the   property of Camp Ashraf residents.  My colleagues 
and I, however, have spared no efforts over the last weeks to facilitate
 meetings between various merchants and the government of Iraq.  These 
various merchants and the government of Iraq.  These efforts, 
regretfully, were unsuccessful, leading to a stalemate over the last 
weeks.  The government of Iraq considers this stalemate as an attempt by
 the residents to delay the relocation of the remaining 100 persons.  
The government of Iraq's patience is, therefore, wearing thin.  I call 
on the residents of Camp Ashraf to cooperate with the government of Iraq
 to solve all outstanding questions related to property.  We have come a
 long way. I also call upon the government of Iraq to maintain the 
peaceful relocation of the residents as stipulated in the Memorandum of 
Understanding, to demonstrate restraint, and be as flexible as possible 
when it comes to resolving property   related issues.  UN monitors in 
Camp Hurriyah monitor the human rights and humanitarian situation of the
 residents on a daily basis.  They are, however, often denied access to 
certain areas of the camp by the residents.  This hinders the 
performance of their duties.  They are working hard in an impartial 
manner under very difficult circumstances.  They have my full 
confidence.  I urge the residents to engage constructively with the 
government of Iraq and the United Nations so that Camp Ashraf can be 
closed peacefully and efforts can focus on the residents' resettlement 
to third countries.  Mr. President, coming to the end, on the face of 
the many challenges ahead I outlined earlier in my briefing, it is 
imperative that Iraq stays the course to complete its transition to an 
inclusive democracy, provides stability and prosperity for its people 
and exercises a positive influence throughout the region.  With Member  
 States' support, UNAMI will continue to assist the people and the 
government of Iraq in these truly worthy endeavours.  The substantial 
cut of USD 30 million, I regret to say, to UNAMI's budget next year will
 require that we do more with less.  I know I can count on UNAMI's 
dedicated staff to work on behalf of you towards these goals and I would
 in particular thank the government of Iraq for its coooperation during 
this year 2012 and I am looking forward to another year of good 
cooperation in 2013.  Last but not least, I do thank the Security 
Council for its continued support throughout the year.  Thank you very 
much. 
  
  
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